Harnessing the Power of Ethnographic Photography in Commercial Research

More than ever, humankind is used to consuming photography around the clock. Smartphones with cameras are ubiquitous companions these days. The rise of visually focused social media platforms such as Facebook, Instagram, and Snapchat have made the constant photographic logging and self-representation of everyday life a common practice. Some people religiously follow the premise of “pics, or it didn’t happen.”

This photographic trend stands in stark contrast to what is going on in human-centric research and innovation consulting where visual communication is univocally considered a key aspect of an entire industry. Yet, many commercial players do not fully harness the power of photography in general or, more specifically, of ethnographic photography – the practice of taking photos in the field for social scientific research purposes in the most immersive and professional manner possible. Instead, stock photography, icons, and graphics are the visual elements that dominate many client deliverables. It is rare to encounter well-made, original research photos that actually depict the people who were studied, or – when they are featured – that do not have the aesthetics of random amateur snapshots or happy couples strolling down the beach. Given how much the general public, including clients, are used to high quality photographic content these days, this shortcoming is both a surprise and an opportunity for improvement.

Photo 1: Fellow business anthropologist taking a photo of a respondent who demonstrates her vacuum cleaner robot at home

Methodological literature on ethnographic photography in the commercial space is scarce, especially when it comes to its application in practice. This article provides a glance at the tradition of visual anthropology in which ethnographic photography stands, and outlines its essential purposes in commercial research. I then outline a set of good practices of ethnographic photography – both in terms of a self-reflexive social process as well as an aesthetic craft. Lastly, I discuss why it is recommended to ditch the smartphone in the social context of ethnographic photography, and suggest an alternative instead.

The main goal of this article is to draw attention to photography as an often-overlooked tool in commercial, human-centric research. Currently treated as a nice-to-have afterthought, it is, in fact, a fantastic tool for providing deep ethnographic insights into the lives of people. Ethnographic photography, I argue, therefore requires a higher degree of professionalization.

Photo 2: Automation expert showing off the capabilities of his cloud-enabled robot

Where are the photos in commercial research?

Many agencies claim to provide “human-centric insights” into people's lives, attempting to generate “empathy for customers” and “telling it how it really is out there.” Ethnographic photography naturally lends itself to this goal. However, the communication of human-centric insights still predominantly happens on a text-based level – an observation based on my own professional experience with various agencies and numerous conversations with colleagues. Insights are commonly garnished with beautifully designed graphics, icons, and stock photography, but when it comes to incorporating research photos, they often seem random at best.

From agency to agency, it seems to depend on personal considerations whether or not high-quality photographs are strategically produced and extensively used in client deliverables. Photography in commercial qualitative research is rarely performed as an established, professionalized practice that is codified or follows any methodological concerns. If done so, it is mostly driven by photography enthusiasts’ private convictions and efforts.

A RICH FIELD OF ETHNOGRAPHIC PHOTOGRAPHY

The field of visual anthropology is well-established. In it, photography is a practice where images play a key role as data, communication vessels, and cultural artifacts. Countless books have been written that outline the character of ethnographic photography in academia, aspects of visual perception, its historical development, theoretical approaches, and the photograph as a document (see e.g. Sarah Pink’s 2007 book Doing Visual Ethnography, or Elizabeth Edwards’ 1992 publication Anthropology and Photography, 1860-1920). However, there is very little discussion about how this can be applied to the commercial setting in which anthropology continues to increasingly find itself.

Photo 3: Indigenous Amazon family producing coca powder

EXPLOITATION OF PHOTOGRAPHY IN ANTHROPOLOGY

As with most compelling inventions, photography has also been exploited in anthropology and commercial research at various points in history. In colonial times, for instance, photographs of people in remote lands were used to construct a derogatory image of the exotic and primitive “savage” (see e.g. Illustrierte Länder- und Völkerkunde by Raymond, 1910; cf. Landau, 2002). In the Third Reich, the National Socialists misappropriated anthropological photographs of different peoples’ bodies to substantiate their inhuman race theory and legitimize genocide under the pseudo-scientific banner of Volkskunde and “biological anthropology” (Dostal & Gingrich, 2002, p. 402). In more recent times, the exploitation of images – especially how patients are depicted – has also been criticized in medical anthropology (e.g. Allen, 1998).

WHEN THE TAKING OF PHOTOS IS BEING DISCOURAGED

In the aftermath of their academic training, I have encountered several business anthropologists who have used this critique to discourage the taking of photographs in commercial research. Additionally, the recent General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) of the European Union has created tremendous amounts of insecurity and ambiguity in the field of commercial research. Data privacy issues led to several agencies and clients restricting their personal data gathering practices, including photographs, to a greater extent than to which they were legally obliged.

Instead of turning our backs to this insightful practice, however, we must remind ourselves that as long as we stick to good practices of ethical social scientific research, become self-reflexive of our methodology, and obey the local laws as well as relevant research association guidelines, ethnographic photography is an invaluable research tool that cannot be substituted.

Photo 4: Patient suffering from epilepsy, and his medication

Multiple purposes of ethnographic photography in commercial research

Similar to documentary photography in journalism, ethnographic photography serves several purposes in a commercial setting. While these purposes are initially the same as in the academic sphere, additional attention must be awarded to a visually appealing presentation of ethnographic findings to a paying audience with commercial interests, namely the client. Corporate stakeholders who commission research usually do not like to consume copious amounts of text, which is why the following purposes of ethnographic photography always have to be seen in light of their functions and restrictions within a consulting setting.

GATHERING DATA AND DOCUMENTATION OF RESEARCH ACTIVITIES

From an internal research perspective, photographs first and foremost function as documentation of the ethnographer’s activities, encounters, and interactions in the field to support the creation of an ethnographic account. In addition to audio recordings, written field notes, and gathered documents, taking photographs is a way of creating primary visual data for subsequent analysis. Photographs can also be used as mnemonic markers of events and experiences that enable later recollection and a more detailed field notes account. This is important especially when working in a team of multiple researchers, as photographs help the sharing of accounts.

Photo 5: Colleague having two respondents explain to her the process of international shipping

VISUAL COMMUNICATION OF INSIGHTS

From a representational perspective, photographs allow the researcher to convey to others what and who was encountered in the field. Photos, sometimes more so than written text, allow us to paint the richness of the human context, pass on, and relive the embodied field experiences in a visceral manner. More importantly, in commercial research it insinuates that one “has really been there;” it adds to the ethnographer’s representational authority.

In this regard, an important purpose of ethnographic photography is the gathering of assets that can be used for the visual communication of ideas. As stated before, we are operating in a client-focused commercial setting that is dominated by well-designed PowerPoint slide presentations, InDesign posters, and other graphics-heavy media. Human-centric insights and strategic recommendations often become stronger when the explanatory text body and evidencing quotes are supported by representative photos that visually reverberate what has been said.

AESTHETIC DISTINCTION OF DELIVERABLES

Last but not least, there is an aesthetic component to field photography. It aids the creation of visually attractive “eye candy” in client deliverables. After all, photos are nicer to look at and quicker to grasp than a body of text. Moreover, original photos propel the liberation from stock photography. It allows an agency to create a signature look and feel that is distinctive. It minimizes the risk of coincidentally using the same images from platforms such as Pexels.com or Shutterstock.com like the next best agency.

While rarely anyone would question the benefits these purposes of ethnographic photography bring to the table, the question emerges – Why does not every qualitative researcher enthusiastically embrace field photography? Given that the legal framework of many projects actually allows taking photos for research purposes, the real hindrance seems to be a somewhat personal mix of disinterest in photography, anxiety, and lack of formal training. This is something that needs to be dealt with in our industry by helping young business anthropologists overcome their inhibitions and adopt good practices of ethnographic photography.

Photo 6: Respondent showing his taxi communication device

Good practices of ethnographic photography

Ethnographic research situations are, without question, extraordinary moments for most participants. Especially when they are not used to being observed in their private or professional contexts on a regular basis, many respondents tend to be a bit nervous and feel slightly awkward when meeting with a strange researcher at first. In consequence, it makes sense to mitigate any factors that might increase the artificiality of the situation. This is why framing ethnographic photography in a self-reflexive manner is just as important as the act of shooting photos.

OVERCOME AN INTERNAL BARRIER OF TAKING STRANGERS’ PHOTOS

In contrast to taking photos of friends and family or while on vacation, taking a stranger’s photograph and recording her every action in detail is perceived as an uncomfortable chore by some commercial researchers. Given the tight project timelines and relatively brief encounters with respondents that last a few hours at best, there is very little time to build up trust and establish rapport in business anthropology. I have encountered various peers who inherently felt that they were overstepping a line of privacy when they were taking the first photo of a respondent – even when photography and the use of the respondent’s likeness was explicitly mentioned in the NDA and discussed in the respondent briefing. This reservation can be overcome, however, through a set of practices that need to be habitualized and naturally incorporated into the fieldwork process, as I will discuss next.

Photo 7: Patient and his caregiver in their apartment

On a side note, I will not discuss the increasingly popular technique of auto photography – or “photo-elicitation,” as the visual anthropologist Jerome Crowder (2006, p. 189) calls it – when research subjects are tasked to photographically capture aspects of their lives themselves prior to the encounter with the researcher or throughout fielding. This article is about the ethnographer behind the camera, which is why we need to discuss good practices of taking photos in the field that “recognize the inherent triadic relationship between the filmmaker (photographer), the filmed (subject) and the audience (viewer)” (p. 188).

GENERATE TRANSPARENCY

Getting the most basic thing out of the way, it is vital to generate a sense of transparency regarding the researcher’s intentions via a proper briefing with the respondent prior to commencing the actual research activities. The briefing, among other topics, typically reviews the purpose of the study, methods of data gathering, the anonymization of personal data, the use of field media in front of the client, and its legal ramifications. I ask all respondents if it is ok to take pictures when I walk them through the consent form. I ensure them that these pictures are primarily for documentation purposes, as they prevent me from forgetting the interesting things they do during the research session. The overall idea is to dismantle any concerns the respondent might have about participating in research and having their likeness recorded, and communicate that the ethnographer has the respondent’s best interests in mind.

Photo 8: Patient showing photos of her injury

MINIMIZE THE EQUIPMENT YOU BRING INTO FIELD

Another important way to make the situation appear less artificial is by keeping the equipment you bring into the field minimal. A small pocket-sized camera will not be as intrusive as a full-size DSLR or a mirrorless interchangeable-lens camera. A small action cam is not as physically overwhelming as a fully-fledged video camera. Big, professionally-looking equipment usually conjures up notions of high production value, importance, laborious post-processing, and attention to detail, which may generate anxiety among those who do not usually stand in front of a camera. Personally, I am also against using smartphones in-field, the contextual reasons of which I will discuss later.

Once the research activities commence, all devices that will be used during the session are placed in plain view of the respondent right from the start. I try to fashion the camera and the act of taking photos as the most normal thing in the world. The fact that the respondents have agreed to this in a consent form helps rationalizing field photography as a mutually accepted practice, thereby overcoming aforementioned barriers the ethnographer might still have internally.

Photo 9: The author talking to a respondent, equipped with a camera, notepad, and audio recorder

MAKE PEOPLE FEEL COMFORTABLE WHEN TAKING PICTURES

The act of taking someone’s photo may come with a host of different implications and challenges depending on the cultural context in which you are researching. In some societies, subcultures, or professional cultures, it is more accepted to take a stranger’s photo than in others, the nuances of which every researcher should be aware. Nevertheless, I cannot emphasize enough what tremendous effect the aspect of radiating self-confidence and nonchalance may have on respondents from any background.

Photo 10: Respondent showing e-mail communication between his business and customers

Ethnography, like most social scientific qualitative research, is a deeply social process that relies on communication and interaction between people. If you are clear about your intentions, comfortable with your camera, and handling it as the most normal thing in the world, people are most likely not going to be irritated, because this becomes an integral part of your professional role. One helpful technique I employ is shooting pictures while continuing to talk with respondents as if nothing out of the ordinary was happening. Do not interrupt whatever you are doing just to take a picture, but perform it as a casual activity on the sidelines that neither requires your nor the respondent’s attention.

Photo 11: Respondent in her work uniform in front of her commercial van

Commercial fieldwork should always be fun for all participants, regardless of the research topic. When people feel at ease, they are more likely to let their guard down, establish rapport, and reveal more of themselves.

This is why it is of utmost importance to generate a casual and laid-back atmosphere. This can also be achieved via photography. Do not be afraid to ask respondents if they could pose for you. In most commercial research situations, you are not an invisible, non-participatory, and purely observing fly on the wall, which is why fieldwork is a performance enacted both by the researcher and the respondent. Make it fun, laugh a lot together, and make them feel good. The benefit of posing is that you acquire images in which they demonstrate or re-enact what has been talked about – e.g. they show how they apply their medication, demonstrate how they are browsing the internet, preparing a meal, or point at favorite parts of their car. In addition to eliciting an interaction with an object or inducing a practice, these types of photos are usually more interesting to look at than “talking heads.”

Photo 12: Respondent trying to figure out the workings of a robot

KNOW YOUR EQUIPMENT

This sounds obvious, but it is important to blindly know the ins and outs of the technological equipment you are bringing into the field. I am always surprised to see how little some researchers are aware of the various functions, amazing features, and individual settings their complex devices offer, especially when they are borrowing equipment from an agency. Get to know your camera settings. For example, silent shooting is often the best shooting. Turn off any autofocus confirmation beeps or assist beams if you feel they are irritating the respondent. Some cameras offer both mechanical shutter as well as electronic shutter systems, the latter of which is virtually noise-free.

Learn how your tool behaves under different lighting conditions, as photography is all about light, movement, and focus. In contrast to the average market researcher who sits behind a table in a well-lit and highly controlled research facility, commercial ethnography takes place out in the open world. You are visiting strangers at their homes, at work, in hospitals, or on the road in their speeding cars. People and objects are moving around, which usually dictates a faster shutter speed if you want a crisp image. Unforeseen things happen, the lighting might be bad or it is constantly changing, so you adjust the ISO. Various objects might be presented in front of you, so you adjust the focus and depth of field via the aperture setting to draw visual attention to a particular detail. Do not expect that the auto settings of your camera know what you need, regardless how smart they claim to be.

As an ethnographic researcher, one is not just verbally interacting with respondents but also physically interacting with, and exposed to, a complex physical world. Those who want to capture and visually represent the world from a particular perspective need the right tools that work as intended to produce the desired results. Hoping for a good snap-shot simply does not cut it and, quite frankly, is anything but methodologically sound conduct.

Knowing how to make people feel comfortable and being able to handle your equipment is only half the rent. Let us dive into the outcome of our efforts, i.e. what makes a good ethnographic photo.

Photo 13: Respondent showing her work setting as a YouTube influencer

Good ethnographic photography presupposes a particular style

In an entry on visual anthropology in the Encyclopedia of Cultural Anthropology, Jay Ruby (1996) claims that “[o]n a formal level, photographs taken by anthropologists are indistinguishable from the snapshots or artistically intended images taken by tourists – that is, there is no discernible anthropological photographic style” (p. 1346). I wholeheartedly disagree with Ruby’s perspective.

A DISTINCT STYLE DEPENDS ON A GOOD GRASP OF AESTHETIC PHOTOGRAPHIC PRACTICES

I do not consider the occasional taking of random photos in the field a proper ethnographic photography practice. By definition, a practice is anything but random and coincidental. Following the German sociologist Andreas Reckwitz (2008), a practice is understood as a “skillful performance of competent bodies” here (p. 113). It is more than an act or a combination of acts since it “consists of specific, routinized movements and activities of the body” (p. 114). In order to perform these movements and activities, “practical [incorporated] knowledge” (p. 115) or “know-how” (p. 116) is required, which implies that they can be repeated and reproduced intentionally. Certain practices do not only require an actor who can claim the knowledge to carry them out, but they also presuppose specific material artifacts – in this case a camera, without which the practice of photography would be impossible.

Especially in the commercial setting, good ethnographic photography does presuppose a particular style that is highly dependent on a set of aesthetic photographic practices. In contrast to random tourist snapshots, good ethnographic photography is also an aesthetic craft. It resembles more the style of photojournalism which employs expressive images in order to tell a compelling story about people and their events. This style is documentary in character, deliberate in execution, and strategically representational in final use.

Photo 14: Respondent preparing sandwiches in his bakery

CONTENT IS ABOUT PEOPLE AND THEIR LIVES IN CONTEXT

So what makes a “good” photo in commercial ethnographic research? Let us discuss the aspect of content first – what is depicted in a photo. Initially, the Who matters, which is commonly captured through portraits of respondents and so-called “talking faces” – photos of people talking and gesticulating. These can be used to write up and share respondent profiles or pair them with a key quote in an insights presentation. The Who also covers photos of fellow researchers and clients in the field, as they are part of the action.

Then the What and Where comes into play. This includes depictions of material artifacts, tools, places and spaces at home, the office, the garage, or inside a vehicle that you consider interesting and/or that matter to the research subject. It provides the scene and the environment – the habitat of, as well as stage for, the actors.

Last – and this is probably the most important content category – the How comes into focus. It is indispensable to capture images of people doing things and interacting with other people. It includes photos of respondents carrying out activities, performing chores, conducting work, executing exercises the researcher gave them, handling artifacts, using products, pointing at individual features, and interacting with the environment around them. This helps us visually capture a slice of the human context we are researching and eventually communicate to our clients what is going on.

Keeping the Who, What, Where, and How strategically in mind, I am usually ending up with a decent-sized collection of photos that complement my written field notes and visually document what was done and experienced in the field.

Photo 15: Patient demonstrating her stress relief eye mask

GET CLOSE TO THE ACTION THROUGH CAREFUL COMPOSITION

While content matters the most from a data-driven research perspective, it is the aspect of composition – the arrangement of picture elements – that contributes to a “good” photo in aesthetic terms. Dealing with the rule of thirds, the golden ratio, and other key concepts, countless photography books on composition have been written (see e.g. John Hedgecoe’s The Photographer’s Handbook from 2001, or Henri Cartier-Bresson’s 1952 classic The Decisive Moment). Since this is a highly subjective and contested matter, I will discuss my personal compositional preferences that have proven to work well in ethnographic photography.

To capture as much of a scene as possible and to give it a perspective that resembles the human visual field, I usually employ a wide-angle lens. Somewhat uncomfortable for many photography novices, a wide-angle lens forces the anthropologist to get closer to the subject and almost stick the small camera in the respondent’s face. As the famous war photographer Robert Capa once said, “If your photographs aren’t good, you’re not close enough” (Magnum, 2020, May 29). Even when shooting portraits, I tend to skip the far end of the zoom, set the lens to 20mm, and get really close to the respondent. The fisheye-type barrel distortion effect of wide-angle lenses might be considered aesthetically unpleasing in traditional portrait photography, which commonly employs the more natural look of an 80mm focal length or more. In ethnographic photography, however, wide angle portraiture insinuates immediate proximity and being in the middle of it. That is a stylistic effect we seek, as it reverberates the ethnographic notion of being in the thick of things.

Photo 16: Customer honing his sports car around the airport backroads

Nothing is more boring than all photos looking exactly the same. This is why it is recommendable to employ a range of different perspectives. While I am commonly shooting at eye level or waist level, playing with the camera height helps mix things up. Adjustable flip screens allow the ethnographic photographer to vary the viewpoint of the digital camera. Shooting from ceiling level or from the floor level makes for an interesting change in perspective.

In terms of framing, a centered subject is a safe choice but it is also visually boring and repetitive. Try arranging the subject to the far left-hand or right-hand corner, using the wide angle to capture the rest of the entire scene. So-called guiding lines, which can be found in long table edges, road markings, carpet lines, or other direction-giving structures, can lead the viewer’s eye from one section of the photo to another. Separating the foreground from the background or vice versa via selective focusing can do wonders. It helps drawing attention to specific elements of the photo, while muting others.

EMPLOY A “RAW” LOOK

One thing I have noticed over the years is that clients often adore the “raw” and “real” look of ethnographic photographs. In contrast to polished, fully illuminated studio pictures, haute couture glamour shots, or seemingly fake stock photos of people supposedly doing stuff, photos that were taken in the field tend to look more natural, informal, and in-the-moment. A raw aesthetic should not be misperceived as amateurishly out of focus, motion-blurry, badly exposed, or weirdly cropped, however. It merely means that good ethnographic photos manage to transport a realistic, highly plausible feeling of being there. This can be achieved by avoiding flash and artificial color filters, using available light, not rearranging furniture for sake of a better composition, and showing the clutter and chaos of people’s everyday lives as encountered.

Overall, it is best to make a habit of taking specific photos that one would like to see in a final client presentation. As discussed above, this is a strategic matter of selecting the content, composition, and aesthetic style that allows the ethnographer to capture an atmosphere and convey it to the audience.

Photo 17: Respondent talking to his dog in a café

Ditch the smartphone camera in the social context of fieldwork

In non-professional settings, most people rely on their smartphone for their everyday photographic needs these days. Contrary to the popular saying in the photography world that “it’s not the camera, it’s the photographer,” specialist gear provides substantial benefits when it actually matters. While modern smartphones sport a high level of technological fidelity, I have encountered too many fellow researchers who keep submitting blurry, under- or overexposed smartphone photos that are beyond Photoshop recovery. These photos might be acceptable for internal analytical purposes, but sometimes they are technically as well as aesthetically unsuited for client presentations.

I suspect that some of these shortcomings are rooted in some folks’ lackluster approach to photography in the field. Most of it, however, can be attributed to the limitations of smartphone cameras. Fortunately, there is a straightforward fix for that.

USE AN ENTHUSIAST COMPACT CAMERA INSTEAD

The once-popular compact point-and-shoot camera has been proclaimed dead for many years (see e.g. PetaPixel, 2017, March 3). Yet there still is a niche market which is (moderately) alive and kicking – the enthusiast compact camera. Basically a small point-and-shoot camera equipped with the manual controls and priority settings of a DSLR, popular examples include the Canon Powershot G series, Nikon Coolpix A1000, or Sony Cybershot RX100 series. Before the rise of the capable smartphone camera, this type of camera already used to be popular in commercial research. With the use case of ethnographic photography in mind, I think its usability is still superior in most ways – both in terms of camera technology but also suitedness as a tool in the social context of ethnographic fieldwork.

Photo 18: Compact enthusiast camera and other photographic equipment

THE USABILITY OF A TOOL DEPENDS ON THE SOCIAL CONTEXT IN WHICH IT IS USED

Ethnographic photography creates a distinct context, in which a dedicated camera handles significantly better for four reasons: First of all, it provides more manual control over lens aperture, shutter speed, ISO speed, white balance, and dynamic range in a constantly changing fieldwork setting.

Second, the haptics and ergonomics of a dedicated camera makes the secure handling of multiple tools, such as a reporter’s notepad, pen, audio recorder, and research stimuli significantly easier when moving around.

Third, the social acceptance of smartphones still suffers from respondents’ suspicion regarding privacy and data sharing. A “dumb camera” is (mis)perceived as a less threatening, more enclosed device that does not immediately transfer to the all-observing cloud servers of Google, Apple, and Facebook. And fourth, it is easier to hand over a dedicated camera to a colleague or client in the field than constantly having to unlock your precious smartphone or risking that they might accidentally read a raunchy text from your loved one.

Overall, it is not so much about the internal technological capabilities that are limiting the smartphone but the ways in which its design restricts people to handle it as a purpose-built camera in the social context of ethnographic fieldwork.

Photo 19: Patient reading the label of her medication

Conclusion

In this day and age, the world seems to run on images that immediately elicit an emotion or even polarize sometimes. While the “pictorial turn,” as the art historian William J. T. Mitchell (1992) calls it, has been in full swing for several decades, many players in commercial qualitative research handle in-field photography as little more than an afterthought. This needs to change, as ethnographic photography bears great potential to enrich the ways in which our industry explores and seeks to understand humans in their various roles as customers, users, or patients. For this to happen, we need to professionalize ethnographic photography in the commercial space by becoming self-reflexive of its methodology and by picking up good practices.

As discussed in this article, ethnographic photography in commercial research is standing in a long-reaching tradition of visual anthropology. Despite its partial exploitation at different points in time, ethnographic photography bears tremendous value, as it fulfills multiple purposes in commercial research. In order to realize these purposes, it is important to adhere to a set of good practices. These practices are both a matter of technical proficiency as much as artistic skill that are employed to elicit a “raw” documentary style. Since photographing people is always a social process, it generates a social context in which some tools are better suited than others in the field.

Photo 20: Customer observing the design elements of his luxury sedan

Similar to writing, photography is a highly creative outlet that allows authors to express themselves while sharing their perspective on the world. The old saying that “a picture says more than a thousand words” still holds true. A collection of photographs does not only tell something about the subjects that are depicted in the images, but, if observed closely, it also reveals something about the viewpoint of the person behind the camera. It provides another dimension of voice to the business anthropologist that other media can hardly convey. Therefore, photography enriches our method toolkit as business anthropologists.

Equally important, ethnographic photography can be a lot of fun. Both its technical and artistic sides can be mastered over time. The result of taking a digital photograph is immediate, which provides instant gratification. Seeing your photos being published in a client deliverable is also more satisfying than seeing any stock photograph that has probably been used countless times before. Original photos from the field are also more personal and authentic than any canned photograph from Getty Images could ever be.

In an effort to be radically human-centric, we must embrace all the available tools that allow us to engage in a deeper study of human life from various perspectives. The photographic eye provides a different way of observing people in their immediate environment. While photography itself requires light, it also helps us shed light on the world around us.